[转帖] [Book] [2011.1.27] Coming together 走到一起

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http://www.ecolion.cn/thread-45170-1-1.html
The post-war world
战后的世界

Coming together
走到一起

How the UN was created
联合国是如何创建的

Jan 27th 2011 | from PRINT EDITION

America, Hitler and the UN: How the Allies Won World War II and Forged a Peace. By Dan Plesch. I.B. Tauris; 256 pages; $35 and £20. Buy from Amazon.com, Amazon.co.uk
《美国，希特勒和联合国：联盟军是如何赢得二战并逐步走向和平》，Dan Plesch著，I.B.Tauris出版；256页；35美元，20英镑。Amazon.com, Amazon.co.uk有售

THE United Nations began soon after the second world war, at a conference in San Francisco, in a blaze of never-again idealism, amid hopes that all future aggressors could be nipped in the bud. That is what most people with a vague knowledge of diplomacy think they remember.

二战后不久，旧金山会议上，在绝不要再有世界大战的理想主义热情的迸发中，在未来所有的侵略者可以被扼杀在摇篮里的期盼下，各国开始联合起来了。 大多数还有点外交知识的人回忆起来觉得联合国就是这样产生的。

In fact, as Dan Plesch, a British historian and security analyst, points out in this closely argued and compelling book, “America, Hitler and the UN”, both the term “United Nations” and the ideal it embodied go back further. To see how much further, read The Economist of January 31st 1942, which reported that “the most comprehensive system of international association the world has yet seen” was in prospect after talks between Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt on cementing the anti-Axis alliance. The problem, we noted, was how “to mobilise the resources of all the United Nations”.

事实上，正如英国历史学家、安全分析家，Dan Plesch，在他的这本论证严密且令人信服的书中——“美国，希特勒和联合国“——所指出的那样，“联合国家“这个专有名词和它所代表的理念都可追溯到更早之前。想了解到底有多早，请参阅《经济学人》于1942年1月31日发表的一篇报道，写于温斯顿.丘吉尔和弗兰克林.罗斯福关于巩固反轴心国联盟的谈话后，文中写道“ 世界前所未见的包容最广的国际联合协会“即将诞生。我们当时注意到的问题是，如何“充分调动所有联合国家的资源。“

It was Roosevelt who had coined the term “United Nations” a few weeks earlier. When it occurred to him, he rushed, in his wheelchair, to Churchill’s bedroom in the White House; he was eager to share his idea with his British guest, who was busy drying himself. “Good!” said the prime minister, whose naked form reminded Roosevelt of a “pink cherub”.

“联合国家“这个词，正是罗斯福几周前想出来的。他想到这个点子的时候，立刻坐上轮椅，冲向了丘吉尔在白宫的卧室；他急切的想把这个想法同他的英国客人分享，丘吉尔那时正忙着擦干身子。“好！“英国首相说道，丘吉尔光着身子的样子让罗斯福想到“粉红天使“。

This was more than bathroom banter. Roosevelt understood—even in those very early weeks of his stand-off against Japan—that the war must be pursued not in the name of narrow national interests, but for some broader ideal. The raw material already existed. In August 1941, when America was still neutral, Roosevelt and Churchill had issued an Atlantic Charter, speaking of free trade, non-aggression and democracy. That language fed into a declaration issued on New Year’s Day, 1942, in the name of the “United Nations”, consisting of America, Britain, the Soviet Union and 23 other governments that had lined themselves up against the Axis.

这可不仅仅是浴室中开玩笑的话而已。罗斯福懂得——即便是正处在攻击日本的最初几周——这场战争不应该以狭隘的追求国家利益为名，而应该有更宽广的理念。（该理念的）原材料已经有了。在1941年八月，美国还是中立国时，罗斯福和丘吉尔就出版了《大西洋宪章》，谈到自由贸易，不侵略以及民主主义。这些观点都体现到了于1942年元旦那天发表的《联合国家宣言》中，包括美国，英国，苏联和其他２３个国家组成了反轴心国的统一战线。

Mr Plesch argues that the best features of the post-1945 order—not just the UN, but also the Bretton Woods agreements and Marshall Plan—have their roots in the relatively disinterested economic and military solidarity which the “United Nations” showed one another in the heat of war.

Plesch认为1945年战后最好的格局特征并不只有联合国，还有《布雷顿森林协定》和《马歇尔计划》，他们的根基是“联合国家“面临战火时互相表现出的相对无私的经济和军事团结。

For anyone probing the origins of today’s global order, the book’s most interesting parts have to do with international justice. Here again, it argues, conventional wisdom misleads. Most people assume that the post-1945 understanding of crimes against humanity has its origins in the trials of Nuremburg and Tokyo; the International Criminal Court (ICC), to which most countries, though not America, Russia or China, now belong, is seen as a child of Nuremburg.

对任何想要探究如今全球次序起源的人来说，这本书最有趣的部分同国际司法有关。关于这点，作者再次认为，传统的想法是误导大众的。大多数人设想，1945年战后对人性犯罪的理解源于纽伦堡审判和东京审判；美中俄例外，大多数国家都从属于国际刑事法庭（ICC），ICC被看作是纽伦堡审判的产物。

Mr Plesch corrects this half-truth. The real antecedent of today’s war-crimes tribunals is an honourable but little-known body that was established in October 1943 and closed in 1948—the 17-nation United Nations War Crimes Commission (UNWCC). With a secretariat in London, this small, robust agency worked to establish the idea that “war crimes” could include atrocities perpetrated by tyrants against their own citizens. However obvious that might seem now, the notion was resisted by those in Britain and America who felt that it violated an ancient principle of non-interference in other countries’ domestic affairs. But the commission fought back, drawing moral support from Jewish and Christian leaders, and the exiled governments of small European states. In some ways stronger than today’s ICC, the commission was a clearing house for evidence on war crimes, and a debating forum for the definition of such crimes; above all it helped national courts to try egregious atrocities.

Plesch纠正，上述想法只对了一半。如今战争罪行的审判，其真正的前身是一个可敬但却鲜为人知的机构，于1943年10月建立又在1948年关闭的——17国联合国战争罪行委员会（UNWCC）。秘书处设在伦敦，这个小却活跃的机构确定了一个概念，即“战争罪行“也包括那些对自己公民犯下暴行的暴君。尽管现在看来这一点再明显不过，但是当时这个概念遭到了英国和美国的反对，他们认为它违反了一条古老的原则——任何国家无权干涉他国的内政。但是委员会驳回了他们的反对，并从犹太人、基督教领导者以及被流放的欧洲小国那里得到了道德上的支持。从某种程度上，当时的委员会比现在的ICC更强大，它是用来交待战争罪行证据的场所，也是定义战争罪行的辩论法庭；最重要的是，它使各国法院能审问那些惊人的暴行。

The commission’s files, now in New York, are hard to access. Mr Plesch believes its closure in 1948 reflects a change in policy by Germany’s American occupiers who in 1947, for example, recruited a former Gestapo chief, Klaus Barbie, as an agent.

委员会的卷宗现在在纽约，很难获得。Plesch认为1948年委员会的关闭反映了在德国的美国占领者的政策改变，例如，在1947年征募了前盖世太保首领，Klaus Barbie，作为其代理。

The book argues convincingly that the work of the UNWCC was in many ways more important than that of the Nuremburg tribunal. But what does that imply for international justice 60 years later, as the ICC still struggles to achieve credibility? Some may simply conclude that today’s Hague-based court needs boosting. But perhaps a better way of honouring the UNWCC would be to emulate its best achievement: offering practical support to national judiciaries which are struggling, against multiple odds, to deal with war crimes committed on their soil. In 2011, as in 1943, efforts to outlaw and punish the most horrific deeds need to be pragmatic, and well-adapted to local realities, as well as spectacular and utopian.

这本书很让人信服地认为，在许多方面，UNWCC的作用都比纽伦堡审判更重要。但这对60年后的国际审判意味着什么呢？对依然努力想要获得信可的ICC意味着什么呢？有些人可能简单的得出结论，认为现在设在海牙的（国际刑事）法庭需要进一步推动发展。然而，或许纪念UNWCC最好的方法是效仿它取得的成就：它为各国司法提供实际的支持，当处理在他们领土内犯下的战争罪行时，能有更多的胜算。2011年，如同1943年一样，为了取缔和惩罚那些最可怖的罪行，既需要做出更务实且符合各地实情的努力，也需要那些引人入胜且理想化的理念。

from PRINT EDITION | Books and Arts

轴心国(Axis)，指在第二次世界大战中结成的法西斯国家联盟，领导者是纳粹德国、意大利和日本及与他们合作的一些国家和占领国。

布雷顿森林货币体系是指战后以美元为中心的国际货币体系。国际货币体系是指各国对货币的兑换、国际收支的调节、国际储备资产的构成等问题共同作出的安排所确定的规则、采取的措施及相应的组织机构形式的总和。有效且稳定的国际货币体系是国际经济极其重要的环节。

马歇尔计划（The Marshall Plan），是二战后美国对被战争破坏的西欧各国进行经济援助、协助重建的计划，对欧洲国家的发展和世界政治格局产生了深远的影响。

纽伦堡审判是1945年11月20日到1946年10月1日第二次世界大战结束之后在德国纽伦堡举行的国际战争犯罪审判。