[转帖] [Obituary] [2011.12.18]纪念瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔 ：一位剧作家，一位总统

showcraft

http://www.ecocn.org/thread-61821-1-1.html 本帖最后由 raogaoqi 于 2011-12-19 15:23 编辑 14 小时前 上传 下载附件 (92.54 KB) EARLY in 1989, I passed an empty building in the Podoli district of Prague. Someone had written in the grime inside the window: “Svoboda Havlovi”  [Freedom for Havel]. It was an interesting moment. The jailed playwright (as we used to call him) was behind bars for hooliganism following an opposition demonstration. As a foreign correspondent newly arrived in the Czechoslovak capital, I found it interesting that the graffito had been left untouched: when, I wondered, would the authorities get around to opening up the shop and removing it? 1989年初，我走过布拉格Podoli区一间空空如也的楼房。玻璃上积灰很厚，有人在里面写了几个字：“Svoboda Havlovi”（释放哈维尔）。这是一个耐人寻味的时刻。哈维尔：一个被囚的剧作家（我们常这样称他），一个在反政府示威后因流氓罪而身陷囹圄的文人。作为一个刚刚抵达捷克斯洛伐克首都的外国记者，我很好奇，这样的标语为什么没被抹掉？我很好奇，再过多长时间，当局才会包围此地，闯进这件店铺，把它擦个一干二净？ A few months later I was at a parole hearing in a Prague courtroom, where prison officials solemnly gave evidence of the prisoner’s good behaviour. They could say nothing about his rehabilitation, but he had certainly not broken any prison rules. The slight, tubby figure beamed at the handful of journalists and friends (and some who were both) in the cramped courtroom. That evening, we celebrated in the palatial rooms of a riverside apartment. Stokers, window-washers and street-sweepers (the cream of Prague’s dissident circles) rubbed shoulders with journalists and a handful of newly emboldened diplomats. Many of the Czechs and Slovaks present were signatories of Charter 77, the human-rights appeal that highlighted the hypocrisy and cruelty of the Soviet-installed regime. Others had lost their jobs and become dissidents for refusing to sign a denunciation of the Charter. The sense of bravery and resistance, matched with impending triumph, was palpable. The regime might not know it, but we knew: their days were numbered. 几个月之后，我在布拉格旁听了一场假释听证会。一般来讲，这种时候，监狱当局都会郑重提交犯人在押期间良好表现的相关证据。有一个人因为从未违反过任何监狱规条，当局也对他的表现无话可说。狭小的法庭里，这个微胖的男人被一群记者和朋友（许多人兼有两种身份）簇拥在中间。那个晚上，我们在河边公寓里那间宫殿式的房间中，欢庆我们的胜利。锅炉工，洗窗工还有扫街党（布拉格持不同政见者的圈子）们和记者，甚至还有几个外交官相拥在一起。后者因为对时局的观察，而刚刚变得大胆起来。已经有很多捷克人和斯洛伐克人签署了七七宪章。因为拒绝批判这份呼吁人权，揭露苏维埃傀儡伪善残暴的文献，很多人失去工作，进而成为了不同政见者。当然，当局可能压根儿就不知道这些事的存在，但我们知道：他们的日子不多了。 I got to know our host well over the weeks and months that followed. We started off as Mr Havel and Mr Lucas, and then moved to first-name terms. We teased each other about language: my Czech was worse than his English, I insisted. “Hrouby”, [nonsense] he would respond: anyway, you have to learn. When I visit you in England, then we can speak English. For someone banned by the state from travelling abroad, that seemed like a good wry joke. 在紧接着的几周和几个月后，我和那夜的那位贵宾熟识了起来。一开始，我们还喊他Havel先生和Lucas先生，但后来就直呼其名了。我们都拿语言的事儿开过玩笑：我坚持认为我的捷克语比你的英语还烂。“Hrouby”（扯淡），他回答道：“无论如何，你都得好好学。等我到了英国去找你，那时候我再跟你讲英语！”但对一个被政府限制出境的人，这个玩笑听上去多少有些别扭。 The regime kept him under close scrutiny. Visitors to his flat (and to his country cottage) were monitored. So were phone calls. But the slogan stayed there in the shop window. As communism crumbled in Poland, Hungary, the Soviet Union and finally “East Germany”, the secret police had their hands full. 虽被释放，但当局依然对他实施着严密的监控。访客均被监视（包括在乡间的住宅），电话亦遭窃听。但是街边窗户上那句标语，却依然清晰。毕竟，随着共产主义在波兰，匈牙利，苏联，乃至东德的崩溃，秘密警察早就忙得不可开交了。 On November 17th 1989, I staggered away from a student demonstration, dazed and bleeding from a beating by the riot police. Though the regime had lashed out against the protestors, the communists were the gravely wounded ones. The sight of young people being beaten by the riot police ignited smouldering public discontent. That weekend, at the Magic Lantern theatre, Mr Havel and his colleagues set up the Civic Forum—a determinedly non-partisan group that initially had no leaders. 1989年11月17日，我踉踉跄跄得离开一间学生宿舍。防暴警察留下的伤口还在流血，脑袋里昏天黑地。尽管政府使出全力镇压示威，但大伤元气的还是共产党自己。青年被警察打伤的画面，让本来就已临近沸腾的公共情绪彻底失控。那个周末，哈维尔和他的战友在Magic Lantern剧场发起了公民论坛——一个不设领导职位的彻底非党派组织。 But the demonstrators who swelled Wenceslas Square each day, always in greater numbers, wanted leadership. As the regime opened negotiations with Civic Forum, and as heads rolled in both the Party and the government, posters saying “Havel na Hrad” (Havel to the Castle) began appearing. He insisted they were nothing to do with him: I’m a playwright, not a politician, he insisted. But his modesty rang hollow. (A bunch of cheeky Poles tried to get in on the act too, with posters saying “Havel na Wawel”. If the Czechoslovaks didn’t want him, they would make him king of Poland, to be crowned at the Wawel castle in Cracow. 但温塞斯拉斯广场上日益增多的示威者却要一个领袖。随着政府和公民论坛开启对话，随着人群冲入党政机关，“Havel na Hrad”（送哈维尔去城堡，即推举他为领袖）的海报涌现出来。但哈维尔本人却不为所动，他一直坚持“我是个剧作家，不是政治家。”但是他的谦虚适得其反。借着“Havel na Hrad”海报的，一群跳梁的波兰人也想借此上位：如果捷克斯洛伐克不要哈维尔，他们可就要把哈维尔抢回波兰当国王，在克拉科夫的瓦维尔宫，给他戴上皇冠。 Mr Havel was (in my eyes) a superb president. He rollerskated through the corridors of Prague castle, exorcising the ghosts of the communist usurpers with his humanity and humour. In what would be a hallmark of his political approach, he make a point of lending support to beleaguer but likeminded figures abroad. He invited the Lithuanian leader Vytautas Landsbergis to Prague, as that country struggled to turn its declaration of independence from Soviet occupation into reality. It was in Mr Havel’s company that I first met the Dalai Lama—also an honoured guest in Prague. 在我的眼里，哈维尔确实是一个杰出的总统。他穿着旱冰鞋滑过布拉格城堡的长廊。用仁慈驱散了残留的共产主义阴魂，让幽默化解掉可能到来的复辟。不遗余力帮助自己志同道合的海外人士，是他执政期间的一道两色。在立陶宛人为实现独立宣言的承诺而艰难奋斗时，他邀请了维陶塔斯·兰茨贝吉斯访问布拉格。同样也是在Havel身旁，我第一次遇见另一位布拉格的贵客：此处略去四个字。 He laid other ghosts of the past too: opening warm diplomatic ties with Israel and giving full cooperation to outside efforts to track down the many Arab terrorists who had trained in Czechoslavakia under communism. He also made a point of friendly ties with Germany—in those days a bogey figure for many Czechs and Slovaks, who feared that the expulsion of Sudeten and other Germans after 1945 was neither forgiven nor forgotten. He hosted the great Richard von Weizsäcker in Prague castle, issuing a carefully worded joint declaration that (thanks to some fancy footwork with Czech grammar) squared the circles of Czech and German resentments about history. 历史的阴魂，同样被他所驱逐：向以色列张开怀抱，并全力协助国际力量追捕共产党时期在捷克斯洛伐克境内受训的阿拉伯恐怖分子。另一件大事便是同德国和解——1945年驱逐苏台德和其他地区德国人的事件，让许多捷克人和斯洛伐克人心存忌惮。哈维尔在布拉格城堡里会见了同样了不起的魏茨泽克总统，仔细拟定并签署了联合声明。给捷德和解这一近乎不可能的历史使命画上了句号。 He did not succeed in saving Czechoslovakia from the depredations of ambitious politicians in Prague and Bratislava, who saw great possibilities for their own advancement in smaller and separate countries. 然而，当布拉格和伯拉第斯拉瓦认定在各自的土地上，更小的国家对自己更加有利时，哈维尔也没能阻止这个国家自己的分裂。 But he remained, even out of office, a moral lodestar not only for Central Europe but for the world. I will write more later, but for now I can only say that I miss dreadfully a man whom I was proud to call my friend. He died aged 75. 但是尽管如此，及至在卸任之后，他依旧是东欧乃至世界的一根道德标杆。关于他，我还会写下更多，但此时此刻，我只能说，我从未如此思念这个人；并这般骄傲于称他为我的朋友。今天，他去世了，享年75岁。

老爺叔

一個西方人﹐卻令我們感覺他是自己人的﹐只有哈維爾。
偉人﹗