WIND

续：（待译，没怎么看懂）

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impos：（ -- the force of which it is impos：（ not to comprehend. Twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That, I feel, is -- opens a course of policy of very great importance.

WIND

续：

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless, the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I worked for a strong France, and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
在铁幕前面的国家也有其它的焦虑因素。在意大利，共产党由于不得不支持共产党训练的铁托统帅对亚得里亚海顶端前意大利的领土要求，受到严重的束缚。不过，意大利的前途还是悬而未决。再者，若没有一个强大的法国，任何人都不能想象欧洲的重生。我所有的公共生涯都在为一个强大的法国工作，即使在最黑暗的日子里我也未曾对她的命运丧失信心。现在我也没有丧失信心。然而，在全世界相当多的远离俄罗斯边境的国家里，已经建立了共产党的第五纵队并完全一致的协调工作，绝对的服从共产党中心的指导。除了在英联邦和美联邦——那里的共产主义还处于婴儿状态——这些共产党组织或者第五纵队已经形成了对基督教文明的日益严峻的挑战和威胁。这些是通过战争中如此壮丽的友谊和因自由民主的动机赢得胜利的翌日每个人都必须记诵的黯淡事实；但是趁现在还为时不晚如果我们不能直接的面对它们，那就太不明智了。

WIND

续：

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
远东特别是满洲的前景也令人焦虑。雅尔塔签订的协议（1945年2月4日至2月11日，英美苏三国在克里木半岛的雅尔塔签订），那次协议我也是成员之一，极端的有利于苏维埃俄国，但是签订这个协议是在这样的形势下，当时没有一个人能够说对德战争可能不会延续1945年的整个夏季和秋季，对日战争在意料之中的最好的判断是在对德战争结束之后再持续18个月。对远东这个国家你们都很熟悉了，还有那些投身于中国的朋友，我就不需要再细说那里的形势了。

WIND

续：

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
然而，我感觉有义务向大家描绘这个降临在世界上的阴影，这个阴影在西方东方都一样。在签订凡尔赛协议的时候我是部长，也是劳埃德•乔治（1863～1945， 1916～1922担任英国首相）先生的亲密朋友，当时他是派往凡尔赛的不列颠代表团的团长。我自己是不赞同当时很多所做的事情，不过在我的头脑中对那种形势有一种强烈的印象，将当时的情形与现在盛行的形势比较，我感觉到很痛苦。在那些日子里有一种强烈的希望和无限的信心，即战争都结束了，国家联盟将会变得全能。但是在现在这个时刻，在这个凄凉的世界上，我没有看到也没有感觉到同样的信心甚至同样的希望。

WIND

续：

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It i：（ecause I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as pos：（ in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
在另一方面，女士们先生们，我反对这种观念：一场新的战争不可避免——甚或即将来临。因为，我确信我们的命运仍然掌握在我们自己的手里并且我们拥有力量去拯救未来，我觉得有责任现在说出来并且现在我就拥有这个机会。我不相信苏维埃俄国想要战争。他们想要的是战争的果实以及他们权力和主义的无限扩张。但是趁现在还为时不晚，我们今天在这里必须考虑的是永久性的预防战争并尽速在所有国家都建立起自由和民主的环境。我们的困难和危险通过闭上我们的眼睛并不能消除。它们不会因为我们袖手旁观而自己消失；也不能通过“绥靖策略”消除。我们需要的是解决办法，耽搁得越久，困难越多，我们的危险越大。

WIND

续：

From what -- what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength. And there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that -- For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter there influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If, however, they become divided or falter in their duty, and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away, then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
在战争期间通过我对我们俄罗斯的朋友和同盟的观察，我坚信他们最崇拜的是实力，最瞧不起的是软弱，尤其是军事软弱。由于这个原因那个古老的力量均衡学说便变得不可靠了。如果我们能够帮助避免战争，那么我们就不能在狭窄的空间里工作，从而给俄国提供一个实力较量的诱惑。如果西方民主国家站在一起坚守联合国宪章的原则，那么这些原则的影响将是深远的，没有人会冒犯它们。然而，如果这些西方国家分离开来并对它们的责任犹犹豫豫，如果这些关键的岁月白白的流过，那么，真正的大灾难可能就要毁灭我们所有的人了。

WIND

续：

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but -- but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her, and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous, and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946 -- this year, 1946 -- by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the World Instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace."
上次我看到灾难来临，曾向我的同胞和世界大声疾呼，但是没有人注意。直到1933年甚或1935年，都还有可能将德国从挟持她的可怕的命运中拯救出来，并且我们都可能免遭希特勒带给人类的灾难。在人类的历史中，还从来没有一次战争能够比这次给全球如此广阔的地区带来荒凉的战争更容易通过即时的行动避免。在我的信念中，它甚至都可以不发一弹就能避免，而德国今天仍然会是一个强大的，繁荣的，受尊重的国家；可是没有人愿意听，于是我们一个接一个的被吸入了这个可怕的漩涡中。女士们先生们，我将目前的形势呈现在你们面前，的的确确，我们必须让这种事不要再发生了。这只有这样做才能达到：现在，在1946年——今年，1946年——在联合国组织的普遍权力之下，通过与俄罗斯在所有问题上的良好沟通以及这种良好沟通的继续维持许多和平的岁月，通过这个由整个英语世界的力量以及所有它们之间的联合所支持的世界性组织。这就是我恭敬的在这篇演讲中提供给诸位的解决方案，这篇演讲我冠了一个名字：“和平的推动力”。

WIND

续：

Let -- Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and -- and Commonwealth. Because you see -- Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If -- If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science, and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for us, but for all; not only for our times, but for a century to come.
不要让任何人低估不列颠帝国和英联邦坚持的力量。（鼓掌）因为你们看到了在我们岛上的46百万人在为他们的食品供应而烦恼，这些食物他们只能生产一半，甚至战争的阴影还未完全退去；或者因为经过六年狂热战争的影响之后我们在开始我们的工业和出口贸易时遇到了困难。不要认为我们不能走过这些物资匮乏的黑暗岁月，我们已经走过那些极度痛苦的光荣岁月。（鼓掌）不要认为从现在开始经过半个世纪之后你们看不到70或80百万不列颠人散布全世界一起来捍卫我们的传统和我们的生活方式，以及你们和我们都赞成的世界理想。如果——如果英语世界的英联邦人口加上美联邦的人口，连同他们所有在空中，海上，地球上，所有在科学，工业，道德力量中的合作，就不会出现令人恐惧不安的实力均衡，以提供野心和冒险的诱惑。另一方面，这将给安全提供非常可靠的保证。如果我们忠诚的遵守联合国宪章，稳重的前行，克制实力的使用，不寻求任何个人的领土和财富，不寻求对人们的思想进行专制控制；如果所有不列颠的道德和物质的信心和力量与你们自己的以兄弟般协作联合在一起，这将不仅为我们也为所有的人，不仅为我们的时代也为将来的一个世纪，清除通往未来大道上的障碍。（鼓掌）

WIND

delivered 5 March 1946 Westminster College, Fulton Missouri
全文完。丘吉尔于1946年3月5日在密苏里州富尔敦的威斯敏斯特学院所做的演讲。

李红丰

WIND兄：
      你好，你能否提供一下该演讲的背景资料，谢谢。

WIND

WIND兄：
      你好，你能否提供一下该演讲的背景资料，谢谢。
李红丰 发表于 2009-11-29 18:21

这个问题，如果掌握英文如汉语的程度，我想相关的英文背景资料会非常多。只是我还在学习的阶段。我的猜测是这样的：
哈耶克曾经在著作中说过：1848——1948是社会主义的一个世纪，而社会主义的终结，在英语世界的终结，是以臭名昭著而终的。所以在二战结束之后，加上俄罗斯的疯狂扩张，英语世界也感到了自身的基督教文明受到威胁。丘吉尔一直是一个英美文明的辩护者，有点像当年法国搞大革命时对英国观念系统的冲击，埃德蒙·伯克挺身出来为英国文明辩护的情景。丘吉尔在这篇演讲中陈列的俄罗斯的无限制的扩张，现在看来都是事实，但是英美的普通民从当时可能没有很清晰地看到。所以，我想，美国总统也看到了这一点，于是杜鲁门邀请丘吉尔到他的母校作了这次演讲。很多中国文人在谈到这篇演讲的时候都篡改了一个事实，那就是：并不是丘吉尔掀开了冷战的序幕，正如他在演讲中说的“将欧洲目前形势的确切事实呈现在你们的眼前是我的责任”。