金的勇气和智慧——写在“我有一个梦”44周年

今天，8月28日是马丁路德金《我有一个梦》演讲44周年。感谢互联网，使得我能方便找到金博士当年演说的影像，在反复聆听中感受他的沉静与激昂，理智与豪放，当然还有精湛的话语表达和跌宕起伏的情绪驾驭。正是因为如此，马丁路德金以和平运动为人类所记忆，且又更以这篇《我有一个梦》为后人不得忘怀。一个斗士，一个和平主义的斗士，因此具有更撼动心灵的杀伤力，并为此更为他的敌人所畏惧，直至谋杀掉他的性命。

种族主义，美国的种族歧视，从林肯解放黑奴宣言开始，直到马丁路德金发表这篇演说的时候，依然没有彻底改变。白种人与有色人种之间的隔阂乃至仇恨，以及之间的不公平、不公正，马丁路德金在演讲中就是这样描述那个时代的社会现实：“100年后，物质繁荣若海洋浩瀚，而黑人仍生活在贫困孤岛”。他并不局限在这个现实，如同他同代人所认识一样，他并不，或者说并不仅仅，做泛泛的、直观的是非夺断，

批判的锋芒，马丁路德金并不指向贫穷与富有，也不指向白人或黑人，批判的方式并不凭借道德判断，也不做人格类归的阐述，更不宣扬仇恨，也更不做“原罪”追究。聆听《我有一个梦》，抑扬顿挫中，感受的是普世之爱，普世的价值观，而没有任何对“忏悔”的刻意调遣，哪怕是一种暗示。若不静下心来为这篇文字筹措腹稿，我简直都忘记，马丁路德金是一名牧师，以心灵告诫为准则的牧师，有着崇高道德威望和高尚人格的宗教牧师。

马丁路德金追求的，并为之付出生命的并非仅仅是黑人权利，而是普世的，人人与生俱来的且人人平等的权利，包括黑人，也包括白人，也包括其他有色人种。“贫困”，在马丁路德金那里仅仅是对社会现实的描述，而并非是关于富有的伸张。 “奴隶”的对面是财富的不义、不法，即使马丁路德金使用了这个词，他也无意于对“奴隶主”的清算，财富的或者道德的。他这样说：无论如何“……不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。”

可以说，《联合国宪章》是现代人权理念的发端，到了1963年，美国发起并签署《联合国宪章》已经20多年，而就美国社会现实而言，美国政府和民间并没有真实彻底践行这个属于对全人类做出的承诺，其种族歧视依然持续，即使到了风起云涌的时候，即使到了像马丁路德金这样的黑人已经享有社会尊敬的时候，“白人至上”的种族主义分子仍然集结作“3K党”，对人们实施暴力恐吓和谋杀。

“……不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任……”，在这里，马丁路德金分明在替白人说话，即使不是替“所有白人”说话，至少也是替一部分白人说话，有条件地为符合条件的白人说话。马丁路德金的话语，承接林肯总统签署的“解放宣言”，断定是关于黑人解放的话语，但到了1960年代，这已经不再仅仅是关于黑人命运的话语，那波澜澎湃的过程，被称作“民权运动”，在普世价值上，在人类和每一个人的尊严上，给予了更完整的定义和理解。

那些能将一个社会搅得风声鹤唳而人人自危的东西，我们如今称作“极端主义”。“极端主义”可以浅显地刺激人们的直觉，比如，谈及黑人，自然的对立面就是白人，和今天提及穷人，其对立面自然就是富人一样。马丁路德金的勇气就在于，他不仅面对来自白人恶势力的顽固和暴力，也还要面对来自黑人阶层的逆反和复仇。不仅这一代的屈辱与压迫，还要清算几代人的积怨和困苦。

马丁路德金的智慧在于，他洞穿了黑人和白人关系上的表象，坚持相信这个社会罪恶的根本在于人与人的权利不平等，这如同穷人与富人的命题一样，不平等的根源国家公权力不给予人与人平等的权利保障，乃至就是公权力直接为非作歹；马丁路德金相信，黑人的权利解放的命题不是对白人权利的剥夺，更不是对白人原罪的清算和关于原罪的忏悔，而是制度变革，是对政府权力的民众约束与民众政治权利的伸张。

马丁路德金的智慧还在于，自由是民众权利的源泉和保障。种族歧视的本质在于不相信或者不认同人人享有同等的自由，也拒绝承认自由是人类共同的命题，白人的，比如“独立宣言”那样，黑人的，比如“解放宣言”那样，出自人类共同的价值理念，共同的尊严和共同的人格，而且根本地属于每一个人，属于每一个人类个体。白人的自由不是命题，黑人自由也不是命题，自由是所有人共同的命题，那就是抗衡公权力恣意侵害，实现社会公正。

种族不公和财富不公，其现实根结是同一的，如同其他形式的社会不公一样，如当下的城乡间的不公，都是社会制度使然，都是政治权力使然。当民众不能经由法律制度免予国家暴力侵害和恐惧的时候，也就当然不能经由国家公权力而免予来自他方的侵害和恐惧。同样，一个人以肤色或者身份乃至以财富而被赋予人格差异并予归类，而不是以个人为识别标识，不仅现实社会是罪孽的，所追求的社会也是罪孽的。

全人类实践过程证明，将权利类化，将人格类化，将自由类化，是一切专制独裁的理由，也是国家暴力恣意的依据。而每一个人的权利，每一个人的独立人格尊严和每一个人的充分自由，是国家民主的基石，也是现代社会的根本法则。马丁路德金正是这样，呼吁每一个人的平等权利、同等的独立人格尊严和同样充分的自由，正如他在这篇演讲中所说：

“那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：‘终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了!’”

"I Have A Dream"

by Martin Luther King

Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.

One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.

The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negros basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governors lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of Gods children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrims pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of Gods children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

我有一个梦

马丁.路德.金

……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。 我有一个梦：有一天，这个国家将站起来，并实现它的信条的真正含义：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生来平等。”

我有一个梦：有一天，在乔治亚州的红色山丘上，从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。

我有一个梦：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州，将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。

我有一个梦：我的4个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里，在那里，人们不是从他们的肤色，而是从他们的品格来评价他们。

今天我有一个梦想！

我有一个梦：有一天，阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方，那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩，像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。

今天我有一个梦想。

我有一个梦：有一天，每一个峡谷将升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原，弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直，上帝的荣耀得以展露，全人类都将举目共睹。

这是我们的希望，这是信念，带着这个信念我回到南方，怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念，我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音，转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念，我们将能工作在一起，祈祷在一起，奋斗在一起，一起赴监狱，一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道，有一天我们将获自由。

将会有一天，那时，所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱：
我的祖国，
你是自由的乐土。
我为你歌唱：
我的先辈的安葬之地，
让自由的声音，
响彻每一道山岗。

如果说美国是一个伟大的国家，这必须要成真。因此，让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧，让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧！

让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧！

让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧！

但不仅如此，还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧！

让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧！

让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧！在每一道山坡上，让自由之声响起吧！

当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱；

“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”

自由只有作为普世的价值目的，而不是手段，才能体现出它的意义。情不自禁觉得，大苗有一个梦！一个令我觉得有幸分享的梦！由衷赞一个。

马丁路德金的智慧在于，他洞穿了黑人和白人关系上的表象，坚持相信这个社会罪恶的根本在于人与人的权利不平等，这如同穷人与富人的命题一样，不平等的根源国家公权力不给予人与人平等的权利保障，乃至就是公权力直接为非作歹；马丁路德金相信，黑人的权利解放的命题不是对白人权利的剥夺，更不是对白人原罪的清算和关于原罪的忏悔，而是制度变革，是对政府权力的民众约束与民众政治权利的伸张。

-----高度!被写者和写作者的!