1,Blackstone(1723-1780),Commentaries on the Laws of England初版:1765-1769。
2,布莱克斯通的这部著作的诞生,得益于另一位先生的捐赠,他捐赠建立了一个讲座,布莱克斯通后来成为了这个讲座的讲师,便诞生了这部伟大的著作。无知的人和无神论者总习惯性地指责英国这样的正常国家中的人性的自私自利,可是这只是泼妇式的谩骂。
3,到目前为止,我知道了:法国三位伟大的自由主义者——孟德斯鸠,托克维尔和巴斯夏——都是新教徒;美国的华盛顿,亚当斯和杰斐森,都是新教徒,亚当斯和杰斐森被认为是美国自由的两极——法治和民主;被杰斐森称为三个伟大的人物——洛克,培根和牛顿——都是新教徒;当整个法国抽搐的时候,站出来辨别是非的爱德蒙·伯克,是新教徒;被伯克赞誉的人物——爱德华·柯克和威廉·布莱克斯通——是新教徒;最近我刚刚来了解的美国最高法院法官——胡果·布莱克——是新教徒,他被誉为美国历史上最伟大的六位法官之一。有些刚刚接触基督教的中国人,认为可以用科学家的基督信仰来说服大众,其实这是错误的,你们只要去好好读读新约,就会明白那些“文士和法利赛人”,是我们的救主早已明确告知的。被上帝拣选,信靠耶和华是莫大的恩典,圣经的通俗明白其实是特别的为我们这些文盲准备的,正如洛克所说,面对文士和法利赛人,祂需要准备的是另一部圣经,其中充满的是晦涩和奇思异想。
4,布莱克斯通的著作,诞生了Blackstone lawyer这一个特别的概念。《英格兰法律解释》阐释了right,wrong;rights,wrongs(正当,错误(不正当);权利,非正义)这些基本概念。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-17 13:18
BOOK 1, CHAPTER 1
OF THE ABSOLUTE RIGHTS OF INDIVIDUALS
第一卷,第一章
论个人的绝对权利
The objects of the laws of England are so very numerous and extensive, that, in order to consider them with any tolerable ease and perspicuity, it will be necessary to distribute them methodically, under proper and distinct heads; avoiding as much as possible divisions too large and comprehensive on the one hand, and too trifling and minute on the other; both of which are equally productive of confusion.
英格兰法律的对象如此繁多和广泛,以致,为了在可接受的难易和简明程度内考虑它们,必须有条理的对它们进行分类,分为恰当和清楚的条目;一方面要避免条目过于宽泛,另一方面又要避免过于细小;两方面都同样会产生混乱。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-17 14:02
Now, as municipal law is a rule of civil conduct, commanding what is right, and prohibiting what is wrong; or, as Cicero,1 and after him our Bracton,2 has expressed it, sanctio justa, jubens honesta et prohibens contraria; it follows, that the primary and principal objects of the law are rights, and wrongs. In the prosecution therefore of these commentaries, I shall follow this very simple and obvious division; and shall in the first place consider the rights that are commanded, and secondly the wrongs that are forbidden by the laws of England. 现在,如同自治(municipal,城市,城镇和村庄的自治,指它们自身民主选举管理机构)法律是一种世俗行为的规则,规定正当的行为,阻止错误的行为;或者,如同西塞罗(Cicero,106 BC – 43 BC,罗马哲学家,政治人物,律师,政治理论家,立宪主义者),以及其后我们的布拉克顿(Bracton,ca. 1210 – 1268,英国法学家,代表作:On the Laws and Customs of England)所表述的:sanctio justa, jubens honesta et prohibens contraria(a just decree, commanding what is honorable and forbidding the contrary,正当的法律,规定应当尊重的行为,并阻止应当唾弃的行为);于是,法律首先和重要的对象便是权利和非正义。所以,在这些解释的接下来的部分,我会遵从这条非常简单和明显的分类法;首先考虑规定的权利,然后是被英格兰法律所阻止的非正义。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-17 14:50
Rights are however liable to another subdivision; being either, first, those which concern, and are annexed to the persons of men, and are then called jura personarum or the rights of persons; or they are, secondly, such as a man may acquire over external objects, or things unconnected with his person, which are styled jura rerum or the rights of things. Wrongs also are a divisible into, first, private wrongs, which, being a infringement merely of particular rights, concern individuals only, and are called civil injuries; and secondly, public wrongs, which, being a breach of general and public rights, affect the whole community, and are called crimes and misdemeanors.
然而,权利应当再进一步细分;其一,与人们的人身相关联的那些权利,被称为jura personarum(rights of persons,人身权利);其二,诸如一个人可以获得的外部对象或物品,这些东西与他的人身不相关联,被称为jura rerum(rights of things,财产权利)。非正义也可以分为:其一,个体非正义,它仅仅侵犯特定的个体权利,仅仅与个体相关联,被称为世俗伤害;其二,公共非正义,它是对一般的和公共的权利的破坏,影响到整个共同体,被称为crimes和misdemeanors(重罪和轻罪)。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-17 16:00
The objects of the laws of England falling into this fourfold division, the present commentaries will therefore consist of the four following parts: 1. The rights of persons; with the means whereby such rights may be either acquired or lost. 2. The rights of things; with the means also of acquiring and losing them. 3. Private wrongs, or civil injuries; with the means of redressing them by law. 4. Public wrongs, or crimes and misdemeanors; with the means of prevention and punishment.
We are now, first, to consider the rights of persons; with the means of acquiring and losing them.
我们现在首先来考虑人身权利;及人身权利获得或丧失的方式。
Now the rights of persons that are commanded to be observed by the municipal law are to two sorts; first, such as are due from every citizen, which are usually called civil duties; and, secondly, such as belong to him, which is the more popular acceptation of rights or jura. Both may indeed be comprised in this latter division; for as all social duties are of a relative nature, at the same duties are of a relative nature, at the same time that they are due from one man, or set of men, they must also be due to another. But I apprehend it will be more clear and easy, to consider many of them as duties required from, rather than as rights belonging to, particular persons. Thus, for instance, allegiance is usually, and therefore most easily, considered as the duty of the people, and protection as the duty of the magistrate; and yet they are, reciprocally, the rights as well as duties of each other. Allegiance is the right of the magistrate, and protection the right of the people.
现在由自治法律规定要求遵守的人身权利分为两类;其一,比如那些每个公民应当履行的,通常称之为世俗责任;其二,比如那些属于每个人的,这是rights或jura更为大众化的含义。实际上两者都可以包含在后一种含义之中;因为如同所有的社会责任都有一种相对的性质,对同样的责任必有一种相关物,在责任应当由一个人或一群人履行的同时,它们必定会由其他人得到。但是,我认为将大多数权利理解成要求特定的个人履行的责任而不是属于他们的权利,将会更加清晰和易于理解。这样的话,举例来说,非常容易的,忠于国王通常可以认为是人们的责任,而保护人们则是管理者的责任;当然也可以反过来说,他们彼此的责任,也是彼此的权利。要求忠诚是管理者的权利,要求保护是人们的权利。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-19 09:39
Persons also are divided by the law into either natural persons, or artificial. Natural persons are such as the God of nature formed us: artificial are such as created and devised by human laws for the purposed of society and government; which are called corporations or bodies politic.
人身也可以由法律分为“自然的人身”(natural persons)和“人为的”(artificial)。“自然的人身”指那些由自然神所赋予我们的:“人为的”指那些由人类法律为着社会和政府的意图而创造和设想的;它们被称之为团体或政治实体。
The rights of persons considered in their natural capacities are also of two sorts, absolute, and relative. Absolute, which are such as appertain and belong to particular men, merely as individuals or single persons: relative, which are indigent to them as members of society, and standing in various relations to each other. The first, that is, absolute rights, will be the subject of the present chapter.
人身权利就它们的自然位分(natural capacity)而言也可以分为两类:绝对的和相对的。绝对的人身权利,是指那些与特定的人相适应且属于他们的权利,仅仅就单个人而言:相对的人身权利,是指每个人作为社会成员所需要的,存在于各种各样的相互关系之中。首先是绝对的权利,将是本章的主题。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-19 10:06
你列举这些人是“新教徒”,想说明什么?
加尔文和卡斯特里奥是“新教徒”?
eric 发表于 2010-4-19 11:46
你有什么问题?作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-19 13:57
By the absolute rights of individuals we mean those which are so in their primary and strictest sense; such as would belong to their persons merely in a state of nature, and which every man is entitled to enjoy whether out of society or in it. But with regard to the absolute duties, which man is bound to perform considered as a mere individual, it is not to be expected that any human municipal laws should at all explain or enforce them. For the end and intent of such laws being only to regulate the behavior of mankind, as they are members of society, and stand in various relations to each other, they have consequently no business or concern with any but social or relative duties. Let a man therefore be ever so abandoned in his principles, or vicious in his practice, provided he keeps his wickedness to himself, and does not offend against the rules of public decency, he is out of the reach of human laws. But if he makes his vices public, though they be such as seem principally to affect himself, (as drunkenness, or the like) they then become, by the bad example they set, of pernicious effects to society; and therefore it is then the business of human laws to correct them. Here the circumstance of publication is what alters the nature of the case. Public sobriety is a relative duty, and therefore enjoined by our laws: private sobriety is an absolute duty, which, whether it be performed or not, human tribunals can never know; and therefore they can never enforce it by any civil sanction. But, with respect to rights, the case is different. Human laws define and enforce as well those rights which belong to a man considered as an individual, as those which belong to him considered as related to others.
For the principal aim of society is to protect individuals in the enjoyment of those absolute rights, which were vested in them by the immutable laws of nature; but which could no be preserved in peace without that mutual assistance and intercourse, which is gained by the institution of friendly and social communities. Hence it follows, that the first and primary end of human laws is to maintain and regulate these absolute rights of individuals. Such rights as are social and relative result from, and are posterior to, the formation of states and societies: so that to maintain and regulate these, is clearly a subsequent consideration. And therefore the principal view of human laws is, or ought always to be, to explain, protect, and enforce such rights as are absolute, which in themselves are few and simple; and, then, such rights as are relative, which arising from a variety of connections, will be far more numerous and more complicated. These will take up a greater space in any code of laws, and hence may appear to be more attended to, though in reality they are not, than the rights of the former kind. Let us therefore proceed to examine how far all laws ought, and how far the laws of England actually do, take notice of these absolute rights, and provide for their lasting security.
The absolute rights of man, considered as a free agent, endowed with discernment to know good from evil, and with power of choosing those measures which appear to him to be most desirable, are usually summed up in one general appellation, and denominated the natural liberty of mankind. This natural liberty consists properly in a power of acting as one thinks fit, without any restraint or control, unless by the law of nature: being a right inherent in us by birth, and one of the gifts of God to man at His creation, when He endued him with the faculty of free will. But every man, when he enters into society, gives up a part of his natural liberty, as the price of so valuable a purchase; and, in consideration of receiving the advantages of mutual commerce, obliges himself to conform to those laws, which the community has thought proper to establish. And this species of legal obedience and conformity is infinitely more desirable, than that wild and savage liberty which is sacrificed to obtain it. For no man, that considers a moment, would wish to retain the absolute and uncontrolled power of doing whatever he pleases; the consequence of which is, that every other man would also have the same power; and then there would be no security to individuals in any of enjoyments of life.
作为一个自由个体的人,被赋予了辨别善恶的能力,也赋予了选择在他看来最可欲的手段的权力,他的绝对权利通常有一个一般的总称,称之为“人类的自然自由”(natural liberty of mankind)。这种自然自由恰当的包括以他认为合适的方式只受自然法约束和控制而行动的权力:在上帝赋予他自由意志的能力的时候,这便作为与生俱来的一种权利和赐予他的礼物之一。但是每个人,当他进入社会,便将放弃他的一部分自然自由,作为交换社会价值的代价;并且,考虑到可以获得互相交易的好处,约束他自己去遵守那些共同体已经恰当的建立起来的法律。这种法律服从和遵守相比那种要放弃的野蛮和粗鲁的自由,其实要无限的可期待的多。因为没有人——稍微考虑一下——希望保留这种绝对的和不受控制的做他想做的事的权力;那样做的结果意味着,其他每个人也拥有同样的权力;这样对任何个人享受生命便没有安全保证可言了。作者: eric 时间: 2010-4-19 16:53
Political therefore, or civil, liberty, which is that of a member of society, is no other than natural liberty so far restrained by human laws (and not farther) as is necessary and expedient for the general advantage of the public.3 Hence we may collect that the law, which restrains a man from doing mischief to his fellow citizens, though it diminishes the natural, increases the civil liberty of mankind: but every wanton and causeless restraint of the will to the subject, whether practiced by a monarch, a nobility, or a popular assembly, is a degree to tyranny. Nay, that even laws themselves, whether made with or without our consent, if they regulate and constrain our conduct in matters of mere indifference, without any good end in view, are laws destructive of liberty:whereas if any public advantage can arise from observing such precepts, the control of our private inclinations, in one or two particular points, will conduce to preserve our general freedom in others of more importance; by supporting that state, of society, which alone can secure our independence.
Thus the statute of king Edward IV,4 which forbad the fine gentlemen of those times (under the degree of a lord) to wear pikes upon their shoes or boots of more than two inches in length, was law that favored of oppression; because, however ridiculous the fashion than in use might appear, the restraining it by pecuniary penalties could serve no purpose of common utility. But the statute of king Charles II,5 which prescribes a thing seemingly as indifferent; viz. a dress for the dead, who are all ordered to be buried in woolen; is a law consistent with public liberty, for it encourages the staple trade, on which in great measure depends the universal good of the nation. So that laws, when prudently framed, are by no means subversive but rather introductive of liberty; for (as Mr. Locke has well observed6) where there is no law, there is no freedom. But then, on the other hand, that constitution or frame of government, that system of laws, is alone calculated to maintain civil liberty, which leaves the subject entire master of his own conduct, except, in those points wherein the public good requires some direction or restraint.
The idea and practice of this political or civil liberty flourish in their highest vigor in these kingdoms, where it falls little short of perfection, and can only be lost or destroyed by the folly or demerits of its owner: the legislature, and of course the laws of England, being peculiarly adapted to the preservation of this inestimable blessing even in the meanest subject. Very different from the modern constitutions of other states, on the continent of Europe, and from the genius of the imperial law; which in general are calculated to vest an arbitrary and despotic power of controlling the actions of the subject in the prince, or in a few grandees. And this spirit of liberty is so deeply implanted in our constitution, and rooted even in our very soil, that a slave or a Negro, the moment he lands in England, falls under the protection of the laws, and with regard to all natural rights becomes eo instanti [instantly] a freeman.7
这种政治或世俗自由的观念和践行在这些王国(不列颠联合王国)中以它们最高的活力兴旺繁荣,几近完美,只有这些自由的拥有者的愚蠢或过错才可能丧失或破坏它:立法机构,以及英格兰法律,尤其适合于这种无价的赐福的维持,即使是对最卑贱的臣民。与现代欧陆其它国家的宪法非常的不同,与古罗马帝国法律(游云庭先生认为是罗马帝国,我认为是可以接受的理解)的非凡才智也非常的不同;这些法律,在一般的意义上,均可以认为是授予一个君主或几个大人物一种控制臣民行为的肆意和专横的权力。这种自由精神在我们的宪法中如此根深蒂固,甚至在我们的土壤中都生了根,以致,一个奴隶或者一个黑人,当他踏上英格兰土地的那一刻起,便置于法律的保护之下,立即成为一个享有所有自然权利的自由人。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-20 16:10
The absolute rights of every Englishman (which, taken in a political and extensive sense, are usually called their liberties) as they are founded on nature and reason, so they are coeval with our form of government; though subject at times to fluctuate and change: their establishment (excellent as it is) being still human. At some times we have seen them depressed by overbearing and tyrannical princes; at others so luxuriant as even to tend to anarchy, a worse state than tyranny itself, as any government is better than none at all. But the vigor of our free constitution has always delivered the nation from these embarrassments, and, as soon as the convulsions consequent on the struggle have been over, the balance of our rights and liberties has settled to its proper level; and their fundamental articles have been from time to time asserted in parliament, as often as they were thought to be in danger.
First, by the great charter of liberties, which was obtained, sword in hand, form king John; and afterwards, with some alterations, confirmed in parliament by king Henry the third, his son. Which charter contained very few new grants; but, as sir Edward Coke8 observes, was for the most part declaratory of the principal grounds of the fundamental laws of England. Afterwards by the statute called confirmatio cartarum9 [confirming charter], whereby the great charter is directed to be allowed as the common law; all judgments contrary to it are declared void; copies of it are ordered to be sent to all cathedral churches, and read twice a year to the people; and sentence of excommunication is directed to be as constantly denounced against all those that by word, deed, or counsel act contrary thereto, or in any degree infringe it.
Next by a multitude of subsequent corroborating statutes, (sir Edward Coke, I think, reckons thirty-two,10) from the first Edward to Henry the fourth. Then, after a long interval, by the Petition of Right; which was a parliamentary declaration of the liberties of the people, assented to by king Charles the first in the beginning of his reign. Which was closely followed by the still more ample concessions made by that unhappy prince to his parliament, before the fatal rupture between them; and by the many salutary laws, particularly the habeas corpus act, passed under Charles the second. To these succeeded the Bill of Rights, or declaration delivered by the lords and commons to the prince and princess of Orange 13 February 1688; and afterwards enacted in parliament, when they became king and queen: which declaration concludes in these remarkable words; "and they do claim, demand, and insist upon all and singular the premises, as their undoubted rights and liberties." And the act of parliament itself11 recognizes "all and singular the rights and liberties asserted and claimed in the said declaration to be the true, ancient, and indubitable rights of the people of this kingdom." Lastly, these liberties were again asserted at the commencement of the present century, in the Act of Settlement,12 whereby the crown is limited to his present majesty's illustrious house, and some new provisions were added at the same fortunate area for better securing our religion, laws, and liberties; which the statute declares to be "the birthright of the people of England;" according to the ancient doctrine of the common law.
接下来,从爱德华一世(1239–1307)到亨瑞四世(1367–1413),又通过了许多相关的确认法令(我认为,Sir爱德华•柯克统计了一下,有32份)。然后,经过一段长时间的沉寂之后,由“权利陈情书”再次得到宣告;这份国会的人们自由宣言,在查理一世(1600—1649)刚开始统治的时候得到他的同意。在与国会完全决裂之前,这些权利也可以说得到了这个不高兴的君主的遵守,他对国会做出了重大的让步;并且这些权利通过许多有益的法律得到了宣布,特别是“人身保护法案”(Habeas Corpus Act 1679),由查理二世签署通过。“权利法案”继承了这些东西,在1688年2月13日由贵族院和众院向奥兰治(Orange)王子和夫人宣布了这些权利;随后当他们成为国王和王后的时候,在国会中变成法案:这部宣言以这样的值得注意的措辞结束;“他们主张,要求,并坚持上述所有和任何一条,都作为他们无可置疑的权利和自由。”而且国会的法案本身也认为“前述宣言中宣告和主张的所有及任何一条权利和自由,都是这个王国的人们的真实,古老和不容置疑的权利”。最后,这些自由于本世纪初在“王位继承法案”中再一次得到了宣告,于是王权被限制在他的王宫之内,而且增加的某些新的条款使我们的宗教,法律和自由得到了更好的保证;这些权利被法令宣布为“英格兰人与生俱来的权利”;根据共同法古老的原则。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-22 09:37
Thus much for the declaration of our rights and liberties. The rights themselves thus defined by these several statutes, consist in a number of private immunities; which will appear, from what has been premised, to be indeed no other, than either that residuum [remainder] of natural liberty, which is not required by laws of society to be sacrificed to public convenience; or else those civil privileges, which society has engaged to provide, in lieu of the natural liberties so given up by individuals. These therefore were formerly, either by inheritance or purchase, the rights of al mankind; but, in most other countries of the world being now more or less debased and destroyed, they at present may be said to remain, in a peculiar and emphatic manner, the rights of the people of England. And these may be reduced to three principal or primary articles; the right of personal security, the right of personal liberty, and the right of private property: Because as there is no other known method of compulsion, or of abridging man's natural free will, but by an infringement or diminution of one or other of these important rights, the preservation of these, inviolate, may justly be said to include the preservation of our civil immunities in their largest and most extensive sense.
这便是我们的权利和自由宣言。这些法令所定义的权利本身,由若干私人豁免权利(private immunity)组成;这些豁免权利——来源于那些被视为前提的绝对权利——看来恰恰要么是个人所保留的自然自由,它们不能被社会法律要求为了公共便利而做出牺牲;要么就是那些世俗的特殊权利(civil privileges),社会已经承诺给与的,用以替代个人所放弃的自然自由。所以,这些便是过去通过继承或交换所获得的人类权利;但是,在世界上的大多数其它国家,如今都或多或少的受到贬损和破坏,目前可以说它们以一种独特和强调的方式只保留在“英格兰人的权利”之中了。这些权利可以简化为主要或初始的三条;人身保障权利,人身自由权利,以及私有财产权利:因为除了侵犯或缩减这人或那人的这些重要权利之外,不知道还有什么方式可以强迫或缩减一个人的自然的自由意志,保护这些权利免于被侵犯,可以说便包括了在最大和最广泛的意义上对我们的世俗豁免权利的保护。作者: eric 时间: 2010-4-22 10:37
common law 翻译成“共同法”?作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-22 10:52
common law 翻译成“共同法”?
eric 发表于 2010-4-22 10:37
又有什么问题?呵呵作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-22 10:53
本帖最后由 WIND 于 2010-4-22 13:44 编辑
I. The right of personal security consists in a person's legal and uninterrupted enjoyment of his life, his limbs, his body, his health, and his reputation.
I. 人身保障权利包含在一个人合法和不受干扰的享受他的生命,他的肢体(手和脚),他的身体,他的健康,以及他的名誉之中。
1. Life is the immediate gift of God, a right inherent by nature in every individual; and it begins in contemplation of law as soon as an infant is able to stir in the mother's womb. For if a woman is quick with child, and by a potion, or otherwise kills it in her womb; or if any one beat her, whereby the child dies in her body, and she is delivered of a dead child; this, though not murder, was by the ancient law homicide or manslaughter.14 But at present it is not looked upon in quite so atrocious a light, though it remains a very heinous misdemeanor.
1. 生命是上帝直接赐予的礼物,是自然赋予每个人的权利;只要婴儿能够在母亲子宫内活动,他在人类法律中的权利便开始了。因为如果一个女人怀有一个孩子,而通过服药或其它的方式将其杀死在子宫之中;或者被他人殴打而导致婴儿死于腹中,然后生下一个死婴;这虽然不是谋杀(murder),但是被古老的法律认为是杀人(homicide或manslaughter)。当然现在不会被认为是如此恶劣的行为了,然而仍然是一种严重的轻罪(misdemeanor)。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-22 11:18
An infant in ventre sa mere, or in the mother's womb, is supposed in law to be born for many purposes. It is capable of having a legacy, or a surrender of a copyhold estate made to it. It may have a guardian assigned to it;16 and it is enabled to have an estate limited to its use, and to take afterwards by such limitation, as if it were then actually born.17 And in this point the civil law agrees with ours.18
一个母腹中(ventre sa mere,法语,即:the mother's belly)的婴儿,在法律中被认为承载了许多目的。它有能力拥有遗产,或成为一个合法财产所有者的转让者。它可以得到一名指定的监护人;并且它能够拥有它所必需的财产,随后取用,就像实际上它已经出生了一样。在这一点上,世俗法律同意我们的观点。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-22 14:22
2. A man's limbs, (by which for the present we only understand those members which may be useful to him in fight, and the loss of which only amounts to mayhem by the common law) are also the gift of the wise creator; to enable man to protect himself from external injuries in a state of nature. To these therefore he has a natural inherent right; and they cannot be wantonly destroyed or disabled without a manifest breach of civil liberty.
BOTH the life and limbs of a man are of such high value, in the estimation of the law of England, that it pardons even homicide if committed se defendendo [in self-defense], or in order to preserve them. For whatever is done by a man, to save either life or member, is looked upon as done upon the highest necessity and compulsion. Therefore if a man through fear of death or mayhem is prevailed upon to execute a deed, or do any other legal act; these, though accompanied with all other the requisite solemnities, may be afterwards avoided, if forced upon him by a well-grounded apprehension of losing his life, or even his limbs, in case of his non-compliance.19 And the same is also a sufficient excuse for the commission of many misdemeanors, as will appear in the fourth book.
The constraint a man is under in these circumstances is called in law duress, from the Latin durities, of which there are two sorts; duress of imprisonment, where a man actually loses his liberty, of which we shall presently speak; and duress per minas [by threat], where the hardship is only threatened and impending, which is that we are now discoursing of. Duress per minas is either for fear of loss of life, or else for fear of mayhem, or loss of limb. And this fear must be upon sufficient reason; "non," as Bracton expresses it, "suspicio cujuslibet vani et meticulosi hominis, sed talis qui possit cadere in virum constantem; talis enim debet esse metus, qui in se contineat vitae periculum, aut corporis cruciatum."20 [It must not be the apprehension of a foolish and fearful man, but such as a courageous man may be susceptible of; it should be, for instance, such a fear as consists in an apprehension of bodily pain, or danger to life.]
一个人置于这样的情境之中,他所受的强迫在法律中称之为“强迫”(duress),来源于拉丁文“durities”,“强迫”有两种情况;监禁强迫,在这种情境中一个人实际上丧失了他的自由,这就是我们正在讲述的情形;以及强迫威胁(duress by threat),在这种情境中,困境仅仅是一种威胁和逼近,这是我们接下来要讨论的情况。强迫威胁可能因为对丧失生命的恐惧,也可能是对严重伤害或肢体丧失的恐惧。而且这种恐惧必需基于足够的理由;如同布拉克顿所表述的:“这不能被理解为是一个愚蠢和懦弱的人,而可能是一个有感知能力的勇敢的人;这种恐惧,举例来说,应该是包含了对身体伤害或生命威胁的理解的恐惧。”作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-23 11:21
本帖最后由 WIND 于 2010-4-23 15:58 编辑
A fear of battery, or being beaten, though never so well grounded, is no duress; neither is the fear of having one's house burnt, or one's goods taken away and destroyed; because in these cases, should the threat be performed, a man may have satisfaction by recovering equivalent damages:21 but no suitable atonement can be made for the loss of life, or limb. And the indulgence shown to a man under this, the principal, sort of duress, the fear of losing his life or limbs, agrees also with that maxim of the civil law; ignoscitur ei qui sanguinem suum qualiter qualiter redemptum voluit22 [He is justified who has acted in pure defense of his own life or limb].
The law not only regards life and member, and protects every man in the enjoyment of them, but also furnishes him with everything necessary for their support. For there is no man so indigent or wretched, but he may demand a supply sufficient for all the necessities of life, from the more opulent part of the community, by means of several statutes enacted for the relief of the poor, of which in their proper places. A humane provision; yet, though dictated by the principles of society, discountenanced by the Roman laws. For the edicts of the emperor Constantine, commanding the public to maintain the children of those who were unable to provide for them, in order to prevent the murder and exposure of infants, and institution founded on the same principle as our foundling hospitals, though comprised in the Theodosian code23 were rejected in Justinian's collection.
These rights, of life and member, can only be determined by the death of the person; which is either a civil or natural death. The civil death commences if any man be banished the realm24 by the process of the common law, or enters into religion; that is, goes into a monastery, and becomes there a monk professed: in which cases he is absolutely dead in law, and his next heir shall have his estate. For, such banished man is entirely cut off from society; and such a monk, upon his profession, renounces solemnly all secular concerns: and besides, as the popish clergy exclaimed an exemption from the duties of civil life, and the commands of the temporal magistrate, the genius of the English law would not suffer those persons to enjoy the benefits of society, who secluded themselves from it, and refused to submit to its regulations.25 A monk is therefore accounted civiliter mortuus [legally dead], and when he enters into religion may, like other dying men, make his testament and executors; or, if he makes none, the ordinary may grant administration to his next of kin, as if he were actually dead intestate.
And such executors and administrators shall have the same power, and may bring the same actions for the debts due to the religious, and are liable to the same actions for those due from him, as if he were naturally deceased.26 Nay, so far has this principle been carried, that when one was bound in a bond to an abbot and his successors, and afterwards made his executors and professed himself a monk of the same abbey, and in process of time was himself made abbot thereof; here the law gave him, in the capacity of abbot, an action of debt against his own executors to recover the money due.27 In short, a monk or religious is so effectually dead in law, that a lease made even to a third person, during the life (generally) of one who afterwards becomes a monk, determines by such his entry into religion: for which reason leases, and other conveyances, for life, are usually made to have and to hold for the term of one's natural life.28 But, even in the times of popery, the law of England took no cognizance of profession in any foreign country, because the fact could not be tried in our courts;29 and therefore, since the reformation, the disability is held to be abolished.
This natural life being, as was before observed, the immediate donation of the great creator, cannot legally be disposed of or destroyed by any individual, neither by the person himself nor by any other of his fellow creatures, merely upon their own authority. Yet nevertheless it may, by the divine permission, be frequently forfeited for the breach of those laws of society, which are enforced by the sanction of capital punishments; of the nature restrictions, expedience, and legality of which, we may hereafter more conveniently inquire in the concluding book of these commentaries. At present, I shall only observe, that whenever the constitution of a state vests in any man, or body of men, a power of destroying at pleasure, without the direction of laws, the lives of members of the subject, such constitution is in the highest degree tyrannical: and that whenever any laws direct such destruction for light and trivial causes, such laws are likewise tyrannical, though in an inferior degree; because here the subject is aware of the danger he is exposed to, and may by prudent caution provide against it.
The statute law of England does therefore very seldom, and the common law does never, inflict any punishment extending to life or limb, unless upon the highest necessity: and the constitution is an utter stranger to any arbitrary power of killing or maiming the subject without the express warrant of law. "Nullus liber homo" says the great charters, "aliquo modo destruatur, nisi per legale judicium parium suorum aut per legem terrae."31 ["No freeman shall be deprived of life but by the lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land."] Which words, "aliquo modo destruatur," according to sir Edward Coke,32 include a prohibition not only of killing, and maiming, but also of torturing (to which our laws are strangers) and of every oppression by color of an illegal authority. And it is enacted by the statute 5 Edw. III. c. 9. that no man shall be forejudged of life of limb, contrary to the great charter and the law of the land: and again, by statute 28 Ed. III. c. 3. that no man shall be put the death, without being brought to answer by due process of law.
3. Besides those limbs and members that may be necessary to man, in order to defend himself or annoy his enemy, the rest of his person or body is also entitled by the same natural right to security from the corporal insults of menaces, assaults, beating, and wounding; though such insults amount not to destruction of life or member.
3. 除了一个人所必要的肢体之外,为了保护他自己或者困扰他的敌人,他人身或身体的其余部分也由同样的自然权利授予了保护其免受肉体的侵害——威胁,攻击,殴打和伤害;虽然这样的侵害还达不到毁灭生命或肢体的程度。
4. The preservation of a man' health from such practices as may prejudice or annoy it, and
4. 保护一个人的健康免受可能伤害或困扰的行为,以及
5. The security of his reputation or good name from the arts of detraction and slander, are rights to which every man is entitled, by reason and natural justice; since without these it is impossible to have the prefect enjoyment of any other advantage or right. But these three last articles (being of much less importance that those which have gone before, and those which are yet to come) it will suffice to have barely mentioned among the rights of persons; referring the more minute discussion of their several branches, to those parts of our commentaries which treat of the infringement of these rights, under the head of personal wrongs.
5. 保护他的名誉或好的名声免受贬损和诋毁的诡计,都是理性和自然正义赋予每个人的权利;因为若没有这些权利便不能完美的享受任何其它的利益或权利。但是这最后三项权利(比前面已经论述的以及接下来要论述的权利的重要性要小得多)只需在人身权利中稍微提一下便足够了;这几项更详细的讨论,请参照我们的讲座 “个人非正义”中论及对这些权利的侵害的处理方式部分。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-26 13:06
II. Next to personal security, the law of England regards, asserts, and preserves the personal liberty of individuals. This personal liberty consists in the power of locomotion, of changing situation, or removing one's person to whatsoever place one's own inclination may direct; without imprisonment or restraint, unless by due course of law. Concerning which we may make the same observations as upon the preceding article; that it is a right strictly natural; that the laws of England have never abridged it without sufficient cause; and, that in this kingdom it cannot ever be abridged at the mere discretion of the magistrate, without the explicit permission of the laws.
II. 紧挨着人身保障权利,英格兰法律关注,主张并保护个体的人身自由。这种人身自由包括移动和改变处境的权力,或者依他自己的意愿迁移到任何地方的权力;未经正当法律程序,不得监禁或限制。对人身自由权利,我们可以作出和前述章节(人身保障权利)同样的评论;这是一种严格意义上的自然权利;英格兰法律若没有足够的理由从不缩减这种权利;并且,若没有法律明确的允许,在王国之内从未仅仅依管理者的个人意见而缩减它。作者: WIND 时间: 2010-4-27 10:28
Here again the language of the great charter33 is, that no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, but by lawful judgment of his equals, or by the law of the land. And many subsequent old statures34 expressly direct, that no man shall be taken or imprisoned by suggestion or petition to the king, or his council, unless it be by legal indictment, or the process of the common law. By the petition of right, 3 Car. I, it is enacted, that no freeman shall be imprisoned or detained without cause shown, to which he may make answer according to the law. By 17 Car.I. c. 10. if any person be restrained of his liberty by order of decree of any illegal court, or by command of the king's majesty in person, or by warrant of the council board, or of any of the privy council; he shall, upon demand of his counsel, have a writ of habeas corpus, to bring his body before the court of king's bench or common pleas; who shall determine whether the cause of his commitment be just, and thereupon do as to justice shall appertain.
And by 31 Car. III. c. 2. commonly called the habeas corpus act, the methods of obtaining this writ are so plainly pointed out and enforced, that, so long as this statute remains unimpeached, no subject of England can be long detained in prison, except in those cases in which the law requires and justifies such detainer. And, lest this act should be evaded by demanding unreasonable bail, or sureties for the prisoner's appearance, it is declared by 1 W. & M. St. 2. c. 2. that excessive bail ought not to be required.
Of great importance to the public is the preservation of this personal liberty: for if once it were left in the power of any, the highest, magistrate to imprison arbitrarily whomever he or his officers thought proper, (as in France it is daily practiced by the crown) there would soon be an end of all other rights and immunities. Some have thought, that unjust attacks, even upon life, or property, at the arbitrary will of the magistrate, are less dangerous to the commonwealth, than such as are made upon the personal liberty of the subject. To bereave a man of life, or by violence to confiscate his estate, without accusation or trial, would be so gross and notorious and act of despotism, as must at once convey the alarm of tyranny throughout the whole kingdom. But confinement of the person, by secretly hurrying him to jail, where his sufferings are unknown or forgotten; is a less public, a less striking, and therefore a more dangerous engine of arbitrary government. And yet sometimes, when the state is in real danger, even this may be a necessary measure. But the happiness of our constitution is, that it is not left to the executive power to determine when the danger of the state is so great, as to render this measure expedient. For the parliament only, or legislative power, whenever it sees proper, can authorize the crown, by suspending the habeas corpus act for a short and limited time, to imprison suspected persons without giving any reason for so doing. As the senate of Rome was wont to have recourse to a dictator, a magistrate of absolute authority, when they judged the republic in any imminent danger. The decree of the senate, which usually preceded the nomination of this magistrate, "dent operam consules, ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat" ["let the consuls take care that the commonwealth receive no injury"] was called the senatus consultum ultimae necessitatis [Senate decrees in special emergency]. In like manner this experiment ought only to be tried in cases of extreme emergency; and in these that nation parts with its liberty for a while, in order to preserve it for ever.
The confinement of the person, in any wise, is an imprisonment. So that the keeping a man against his will in a private house, putting him in the stocks, arresting or forcibly detaining him in the street, is an imprisonment.35 And the law so much discourages unlawful confinement, that if a man is under duress of imprisonment, which we before explained to mean a compulsion by an illegal restraint of liberty, until he seals a bond or the like; he may allege this duress, and avoid the extorted bond. But if a man be lawfully imprisoned, and either to procure his discharge, or on any other fair account, seals a bond or a deed, this is not by duress of imprisonment, and he is not at liberty to avoid it.36 To make imprisonment lawful, it must either be, by process from the courts of judicature, or by warrant from some legal officer, having authority to commit to prison; which warrant must be in writing, under the hand and seal of the magistrate, and express the causes of the commitment, in order to be examined into (if necessary) upon a habeas corpus. If there be no cause expressed, the jailer is not bound to detain the prisoner.37 For the law judges in this respect, says sir Edward Coke, like Festus the Roman governor; that it is unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not to signify withal the crimes alleged against him.