[原创] 丘吉尔演讲：和平的推动力

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The Sinews of Peace
和平的推动力

President McCluer, ladies andgentlemen, and last but certainly not least, President of the United States ofAmerica:
麦克柯鲁尔董事长，女士们，先生们，以及最后不过当然不是最小的，美联邦总统：
I am very glad indeed tocome to Westminster College this afternoon,and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institutionwhose reputation ha：（een so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehowor other seems familiar to me. I -- I feel as if I've heard of it before.Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received avery large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric -- and one ortwo other things. So, in fact we have both been educated at the same, orsimilar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
我的确非常高兴在这个下午来到威斯敏斯特学院，并且受到你们的恭维将授予我一个学位，这个学位来自一个已经牢固建立起了声誉的机构。这个名字“威斯敏斯特”不知怎么的对我而言非常亲切。我——我感觉似乎我之前已经听说过它。确实，现在我想起来了，就是在（伦敦的）威斯敏斯特我接受了我的政治学，辩论学（dialectic：中英词典译为辩证法，在我眼里，“辩证法”一词已经成为一个垃圾词汇。这个词指的是一种辩论的方法，通过柏拉图的《苏格拉底问答》而变得流行，至于《苏格拉底问答》所表达的这一词汇的意思，真诚的欢迎指教。[译注]）和修辞学——以及一两个其它方面相当大部分的教育。所以，实际上我们（我和你们）都受到了相同的，或者相似的，或者，在某种程度上有着共同渊源的机构的教育。

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语音和文本在这个页面:
http://www.americanrhetoric.com/ ... llsinewsofpeace.htm

我手写他心

楼主真牛，中文还夹生哪，就把丘吉尔那锅米，煮成自己的熟饭。

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3# 我手写他心
对这篇演讲我没太有信心译完。如果你不是牛X，请就具体文字讨论。

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It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and respon：（ities -- unsought but not recoiled from -- the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here today and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and -- and perhaps some other countries too. The -- The  President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. Now, I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
对于一个私人的来访者而言，这也是一项荣誉，女士们先生们，很可能是独一无二的，由美联邦总统把我介绍给诸位颇有理论修养的听众。被他的沉重的负担，责任和期望所包围——不想要却又不能退缩的——总统先生今天飞越一千英里来到这里使我们的聚会增显高贵和放大它的作用，（听众鼓掌）以及给与我一个访问同渊源国家的机会，就像大洋彼岸的同胞一样，可能也像其他一些国家一样。总统先生已经告知我这是他的愿望，我确信这也是你们的愿望，即在目前这样忧虑和困惑的时期，我有完全的自由来说出我的真实和忠诚的建议。现在，我将利用我的这种自由，并且感到更应这样做，因为在我年轻的时候可能怀有的那些个人野心已经得到满足，超出我的最无羁的梦想。不过，让我先表明一下：我没有任何政府使命或者身份，我仅仅为我自己说话。这里除了你们看到的什么也没有。（听众大笑，继而鼓掌）

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I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what ha：（een gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
所以，我可以允许我的思想，用我一生的经验，来对付那些在我们的战争赢得绝对胜利之后困扰我们的问题，并用我所拥有的精力努力弄明白：我们经历了如此大的牺牲和苦难赢得什么，以让我们为着将来的人类荣誉和安全应当继续保持下去？

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Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If, as you look around you -- If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. And we must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
女士们先生们，美联邦此刻正踞于世界权力的顶峰。对于美国民主来说，这是一个庄严的时刻。因为最大的权力也意味着对未来负有巨大的责任。如果，当你环顾四周——如果你环顾四周，你一定不仅觉得已经尽了责任，而且还焦虑于以后再也达不到这样的水平了。现在机会就在这里，对于我们两个国家而言，清晰而又光彩夺目。拒绝它或者忽略它或者浪费它都将带给我们以后长久的耻辱。必须用思想的恒定，目标的坚持，以及决断的非常明显的简单来支配和引导说英语的人的行为走向和平，就像他们在战争中所做的那样。并且我们一定要——我相信我们会——证明我们自己配得上这种严格的要求。

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President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the overall strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
麦克鲁尔董事长，当美国军人面临某种严峻的形势时他们习惯于在他们指令的顶部写上“全面战略概念”。这种做法是明智的，因为它使思想明朗化。那么今天什么样的“全面战略概念”是我们应当题写的呢？那就是在所有的土地上所有的男人和女人所有的家和家庭的安全和幸福，自由和发展。在此，我要特别的提到：那些数不清的小屋和共有寓所的家庭，那些雇佣劳动者身处各种意外和麻烦之中努力来保护他的妻子和孩子们免于贫困，在对上帝的敬畏中或基于那些有效的影响了他们的道德概念去推动整个家庭的境况好转。

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To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all i：（roken, all is even ground to pulp.
为了给与这些数不清的家庭以安全，他们必须得到庇护以免于这两个骷髅似的掠夺者的侵犯：战争和暴政（并非所有的政府都是靠暴力维持，但存在靠暴力维持的政府。[译注]）。我们都知道战争的灾难突然袭击养家的人和他的家人将使普通家庭陷入其中的那种可怕的动荡。欧洲极其严重的破坏，连同它所有消逝了的荣誉，以及亚洲大部分的严重的破坏令我们目瞪口呆。当那些邪恶之人的计划或者那些强大的国家的侵略冲动毁灭广大地区的文明社会的框架的时候，那些卑贱的人们不得不面对他们不能应付的困难。留给他们的世界，所有的都是歪曲的，所有的都是破碎的，甚至所有的都如水果倾覆地上成了浆泥。

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When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what ha：（een called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war.
在这个平静的下午，我站在这里，颤栗着去想象对于成百万的人现在实际正在遭遇着什么，以及在这个物资匮乏蔓延全球的时期将会发生什么。没有人能够计算那被称为“不可估量的人类痛苦的总和”。我们最高的任务和责任只能是去看守普通人的家庭免于另一种战争所带来的恐怖和苦难。
We are all agreed on that.
我们都同意这一点。

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Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO -- "U-N-O"¹ -- the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple i：（uilt, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock.² Anyone can see with his -- with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
我们美国的军人们，在宣告他们的“全面战略概念”并估算可用的资源之后，总是继续进行下一步——即方法。在这一点上又存在着广泛的一致意见。为了防止战争这个初始的目的，已经建立起来了一个世界性的组织。UNO——“U-N-O”——国家联盟的继承者，由美联邦坚定的增建以及相应的手段已经启动了。我们必须确认：它的工作是富有成效的，它的存在是一个事实而不是一个骗局，它是一种行动的力量而不仅仅是一种语言的泡沫，它是一座真实的和平的神殿有朝一日许多国家的防御盾牌能够挂起来而不仅仅成为巴别塔的口水战场。在我们抛弃用于自卫的国家军事装备的可靠保证之前，我们必须确定我们的神殿已经建在了岩石上，而不是建在沙滩或者沼泽地上。任何人都能睁眼看得到我们的路将会困难重重也会很长，但是如果我们一起坚持不懈，就如我们在两次世界大战中所做的那样——可是不这样呢？唉，就会像两次大战之间那样了——我不会怀疑我们将最后达成我们的共同目标。

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I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action.
然而，我有一个确定的可应用的行动建议想提出来。

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Courts and magistrates may be setup but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United NationsOrganization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armedforce. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. Ipropose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate acertain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. Thesesquadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would movearound in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms oftheir own countrie：（ut with different badges. They would not be required toact against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed bythe world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it wouldgrow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war,and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
法庭和管理者可以建立，但它们若没有警察和郡长便不能运行。联合国家组织必须立即着手装备一支跨国的军队。在这件事情上我们只能一步步进行，但是我们必须现在开始。我设想：每个国家都应当要求提供一定数量的空军部队来为这个世界性的组织服务。这些部队在他们各自的国家内受训并做好准备，但是需要轮流在各个国家中驻扎。他们身着本国的制服，佩带不同的徽章。不能要求他们对他们自己的国家作战，但是在其它方面受这个组织的领导。这件事情可以从一种适度的规模开始，然后随着信任的增长而扩大。我曾经期望在第一次世界大战之后能够这样做，现在我衷心的相信会立即开始。

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It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong andimprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb,which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the worldorganization, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness tocast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in anycountry -- No one in any country has slept less well in their bed：（ecause thisknowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at presentlargely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have sleptso soundly had the position：（een reversed and some Communist or neo-FascistState monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of themalone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the freedemocratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God haswilled that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set ourhouse in order before this peril has to be encountered. And even then, if noeffort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as toimpose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, byothers. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied andexpressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguardsto make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that worldorganization.
虽然如此，女士们先生们，把美联邦，大不列颠和加拿大现在共享的原子弹的秘密知识和经验交托给仍处于初期阶段的联合国家组织将是错误和轻率的。在这个仍然躁动不安和未联合的世界上它将到处乱丢原子弹，疯狂的犯罪。没有一个国家的人会因为这种知识和方法以及原子弹的原料现在主要的掌握在美国的手中而睡不好。我不相信这种位置倒过来而被一些共产主义或新的法西斯国家所独控这些恐怖的原子弹机构，我们会安然入睡。单单对它们的恐惧就很容易被用来加强整体主义系统以对抗自由民主世界，依照以往经验将超出人类的想象。上帝让这一切没有发生，在这种灾难降临之前我们至少还有一个可供呼吸的空间来有序的建立我们的房屋。并且就算没有造出原子弹，我们仍然还有那么强大的优势通过别的什么来对整体主义系统的工作或它的威胁施加有效的威慑力量。最后，当人们之间的基本的兄弟之情真切的在一个世界性的组织中得到表现和表达，并用所有必要的现实的安全保护来使之生效的时候，这些力量就会自然的可靠的交托给那个世界性的组织。

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Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and ordinary people -- namely, tyranny.
接下来我将讲威胁那些小屋之家和普通人的第二种危险，两个掠夺者中的第二个——即暴政。
We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. With these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
我们不能无视这种事实：整个美联邦和整个不列颠王国的个人所享有的自由在相当多的国家里却没有效，其中一些国家还非常强大。通过各种各样完全渗透的警察政府，国家控制强制普通人达到了一种无法抗拒的程度，并与所有民主的诸原则相违背。政府权力的行使没有约束，不是被独裁者就是被紧密结合的少数统治者（oligarchy：来源于希腊语，意即few rule,少数人统治）通过一个拥有特权的政党和一种政治警察所操作。许多国家国内事务所遭遇的如此多强烈的干扰的困难，在战争中我们没有战胜，这次不是我们的责任。但是我们必须永不停止的用无惧的语气声明这些伟大的自由原则以及人的权利，它们是英语世界的共同遗产，它们经过大宪章，权利法案，人身保护制度(Habeas Corpus:拉丁语，意即 You (shall) have the body.)，由审判团审判，英国普通法，并在美国独立宣言中可以找它们最有名的表达。

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totalitarian：英汉词典一般译为极权主义的，我以为这种意译不但不恰当，还将导致更多的说不清。Totalitarianism对应于individualism，对于汉语世界来说，这是一种远比大宪章对英语世界更为久远的思维习惯，简单的说就是习惯于说“我们民族”“我们国家”这样的大概念。

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All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
所有这些都意味着：任何一个国家的人们都有权利，而且应当有权力通过宪法的运作，通过自由的不戴脚镣的选举，用不具名投票的方式去选择或改变他们居于其下的政府性质或形式；言论和思想自由应当居于统治地位；审判独立的正义法庭，不受任何政党偏见的影响，应当掌管那些获得大多数广泛同意或者被时间和习俗视为神圣的法律。这就是应当置于每间小屋之家的自由的社会契约。这就是不列颠人和美国人传递给人类的信息。让我们宣扬我们所做的——让我们去做我们所宣扬的。

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Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people, war and tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
虽然我现在已经表述了这两个威胁人们家庭的巨大危险：战争和暴政，然而我还没有说到在许多场合人们普遍焦虑的贫困和物质缺乏。但是只要战争和暴政的危险消除，就不应怀疑在接下来的几年里，确切的说在接下来的几十年里，科学和合作将带给世界物质的良好存在的不断丰富，会超过在人类的经验中已经创造的任何财富。

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Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or ：（uman crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned 50 years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace."
现在，在这个糟糕和呼吸困难的时刻，在我们经过巨大努力之后我们陷入了战后的饥饿和悲痛之中；但是这一切都将过去并且会很快地过去，除了人类的愚蠢或者劣等人类的罪行，没有理由否认所有的国家将开启一个丰裕时代的序幕。我过去常常使用50年前从一个伟大的爱尔兰裔美国雄辩家，也是我的一个朋友，布尔克•柯克兰（1854 –1923，美国众院议员）那里学来的话：“对我们所有的人都足够了。地球是一位慷慨的母亲；只要她的孩子们能够公正和平的耕种她的土地，她将为他们提供丰富的食物。”
And so -- So far I -- I -- I feel that we are in -- in full agreement.
到目前为止，我感觉我们都完全的意见一致。

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Now, while still pursuing the method -- the method of realizing our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relation：（etween our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instruction, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. And this -- this would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
现在，当我们继续追寻方法——实现我们的“全面战略概念”的方法，我将讲到我此行想说的关键之处。没有我称之为“英语世界的人们兄弟般的联合”，就不可能有效的防止战争，也不可能获得世界性的组织的持续发展。（鼓掌）这意味着在英联邦，英国和美联邦之间需要建立一种特别的关系。女士们先生们，没有时间概说了，我将尝试直接详细的来谈。兄弟般的联合不仅要求我们两个庞大但同渊源的社会系统增进友谊和互相理解，而且要求我们之间的军事顾问团继续保持密切的关系，以便领导对潜在危险的共同研究，武器和使用手册的相似化，以及技术学院的军官和学生的互换问题。（鼓掌）它还应当包括通过共同使用任何一个国家在全世界所拥有的所有的海军和空军基地而继续保留目前的设施用于共同安全。（鼓掌）这一点——这一点我可能会怀疑美国海军和空军的灵活性。在这个世界平静下去之后，将会极大地扩充不列颠王国的力量并良好的引导重要的货币救助。我们已经共同使用了大量的岛屿；不久的将来应当更加信赖于我们的联合关心。

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The United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually -- Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
美联邦已经与加拿大自治领签订了永久防御协定，而加拿大是如此忠实的归于英联邦和不列颠。这个协定比许多正式联盟所定协议还要有效。这种原则应当互惠互利的扩展到所有的英联邦。如此，无论发生什么，仅仅这样就能使我们的安全得到保证并让我们一起为那些我们所珍视且不会伤害任何人的高尚简单的理由工作。最后——最后可能到来——我感觉最后它们会来——即我们许多人都能清楚看到的所谓的普通公民身份原则的武力扩张，不过我们可能都满足于留给命运。

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加粗的这句话感觉没有看懂。

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稍稍流览了一下余下的部分。感觉中国的近现代史基本就是俄罗斯第五纵队的历史，内部与外部的邪恶达成了完美的和谐。

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There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a -- a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our overriding loyalties to the world organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only mean：（y which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I've just mentioned, and there are the relation：（etween the United States and the South American Republics. We have also -- We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. We have an alliance -- The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the -- in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions."³ Special association：（etween members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispen：（.
然而这里有一个重要的问题我们必须问我们自己。美联邦和英联邦的特别联盟与我们对那个世界组织的首要的忠诚会矛盾吗？我的回答是：与此相反，很可能唯一的途径是这个组织需要达成它的完全的功能。美联邦与加拿大已经存在一种特别的关系，这刚才我已经提到了，美联邦与南美洲的诸共和国也存在这种特别的关系。我们也——我们不列颠也与苏维埃俄国有个20年的协作与互相援助协议。我赞同贝文先生，大不列颠的对外关系大臣的观点：就我们而言，最好是50年的协议。除了与俄罗斯进行互相援助和协作，我们没有任何目的。我们有一个同盟国——不列颠与葡萄牙结盟，自从1384年开始就没有破裂过，这种关系在最近战争的危急时刻中产生了丰富的果实。所有这些，都没有与一种世界性的一致意见或一种世界性的组织的普遍利益相冲突；相反，它们帮助了它。“在我父的家里，有许多住的地方。”（《约翰福音》14：2）联合国家组织成员之间的特别联盟并没有侵犯其它国家的地方，它们共同建立的避风港并不与联合国宪章不相容，没有害处而有益处，并且我相信，这必不可少。

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我们也——我们不列颠也与苏维埃俄国有个20年的协作与互相援助协议。我赞同贝文先生，大不列颠的对外关系大臣的观点：就我们而言，最好是50年的协议。除了与俄罗斯进行互相援助和协作，我们没有任何目的。

这之后的美国马歇尔计划曾经与俄罗斯有过讨价还价，最终没有达成协议。至于其中的分歧到底是什么，诚恳的欢迎有所研究的朋友解答这个问题。

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I spoke earlier, ladies andgentlemen, of -- of the Temple of Peace. Workmen fromall countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each otherparticularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, ifthey have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future andcharity towards each other's shortcomings" -- to quote some good words Iread here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task asfriends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase eachother's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not bebuilt, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved againunteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a schoolof war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just beenreleased. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleamingwings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessingsupon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say：time may be short. Donot let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is toolate. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I havedescribed, with all the express strength and security which both our countriescan derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to theworld, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundationsof peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention i：（etter than the cure.
我前面说过“和平的圣殿”，女士们先生们。所有国家的人都应该修建这座圣殿。如果其中两个国家的人互相熟识是老朋友，如果他们的家族关系互相交错，如果他们“对彼此的目标有信心，对彼此的未来有期望并宽容彼此的缺陷”——这几句话是引用我以前读到的好句子——为什么他们不能像朋友和伙伴一样在一起为共同的任务而工作？为什么他们不能分享他们的劳动工具并由此增强彼此的工作能力？他们确实应该这样做，否则这座圣殿就可能建不起来，或者，在建的过程中就崩溃了，并且我们所有的人将再一次被证明不可教育而不得不第三次再进空前惨烈的战争学校来学习，它将比我们刚刚退出来的战争更为残酷。黑暗时代将重来，在科学短暂的掠过之后将重归石器时代，本来洒向人类的不可估量的物质祝福，甚至都可能变成完全的毁灭。当心啊，我说：可能用不了多长时间。我们不要坐望事件的发生，直到为时已晚。如果存在我刚才描述过的亲密的同盟，我们两个国家都能从中得到明确的力量和保证，那么就让我们自信的将这个伟大的事实告知全世界，并在坚固和稳定和平的基础的工作中做它那一部分。这才是明智的途径。预防比医治要好。

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*A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory.* Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There -- There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontier：（y the removal of all pos：（ity of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent, and growing contact：（etween the Russian people and our own peoples on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would not wish me to not misstate the...facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
最近刚被同盟国的军事胜利所照亮的大地，就已经被罩上了阴影。没有人知道苏维埃俄国和它的共产主义跨国组织接下来想要干什么，或者他们扩张自己和改变别的民族的观念的边界，如果还有边界的话。我十分钦佩和尊重英勇的俄罗斯人以及我战时的伙伴，斯大林统帅。在不列颠有一种深深的同情和善意——我毫不怀疑这里也一样——对所有俄罗斯人和他们克服许多差异和冷落而与我们建立起来的持久友谊的决心。我们理解俄罗斯需要在她的西边消除德国侵犯的可能性以保证安全。我们欢迎俄罗斯占有世界领导国家中的正当位置。我们欢迎她的旗帜飘在海洋上。在这一切之上，我们欢迎或者应当欢迎在大西洋两岸的俄罗斯人和我们自己的人之间持续的，经常性的以及日益增长的交往。然而，我有责任，我确信你们不希望我向你们误报我看到的事实。将欧洲目前形势的确切事实呈现在你们的眼前是我的责任。

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From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are ：（ct in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from -- from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish government ha：（een encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
从波罗的海的斯德丁（波兰西北部海港）到亚得里亚海的的里雅斯特（意大利东北部海港），一道横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来。在这条线的后面，所有中欧和东欧的古老国家的重要城市都位于其中。华沙，柏林，布拉格，维也纳，布达佩斯，贝尔格莱德，布加勒斯特和索非亚，所有这些著名的城市和其中的居民都身陷于我必须称之为“苏维埃势力范围”的区域内，所有的一切都以这种或那种形式不仅屈服于苏维埃的影响而且屈服于一个更高的，在一些事件看来，是来自于莫斯科的日益增强的控制。在不列颠，美国和法国看来，只有雅典——希腊连同它的不朽的荣光——是用选举自由的决定它的未来。俄罗斯支配的波兰政府已经被怂恿对德国进行了庞大和错误的侵占，相当悲惨和梦想不到的数以百万计的德国人的大规模驱逐正在发生。这些东欧国家原本非常小的共产党，已经上升到远远超过他们的人数的超群和强势的地位，并到处寻求获得整体性控制的权力。警察政府在最近的每一个事件中都起了主要作用，到目前为止，除了捷克斯洛伐克，根本就没有真正的民主。

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Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow government. An attempt i：（eing made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western democracies had conquered.
土耳其和波斯（1935年以后又称伊朗Iran）都因为莫斯科政府向他们所做的要求和施加的威胁压力而感到深深的恐惧和不安。进驻柏林的俄罗斯人正在试图在他们的德国占领区通过支持左翼德国团体的领袖而建立一个类似的共产党组织。去年六月战斗结束时，美国和不列颠的军队根据之前的协定在一条将近400英里的战线向西后撤，在某些据点后撤达到150英里，以便允许我们的俄罗斯盟国占领这些原本由西方民主国家赢来的非常广阔的领土。

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If now the Soviet government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
如果现在苏维埃政府在他们的占领区试图单独行动以建立一个赞同共产主义的德国，这将引起美国和不列颠占领区新的严重的困难，并将给与战败的德国人在苏维埃和西方民主国家之间讨价还价的权力。无论从这些事实得出什么结论——它们都是事实——这当然不是我们战斗想要建立的自由的欧洲。也不是一个具备实质永久和平的欧洲。